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Thomas Wheeler

Male 1620 - 1676  (56 years)


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  1. 1.  Thomas Wheeler was born 8 Apr 1620, Cranfield, Bedford, England; was christened 9 Apr 1620, Bourne End, Cranfield, Bedford, England; died 10 Dec 1676, Concord, Middlesex County, Massachusetts.

    Other Events:

    • AFN: 1LTP-WD

    Notes:

    Captain Thomas Wheeler, of Concord Massachusetts, this "gallant and intrepid"
    Indian fighter was among the most interesting and important characters of our
    colonial period, and was preeminent among the few pioneers through whose
    restless daring the frontiers of the Massachusetts Bay Colony were so
    persistently extended.

    The date of his arrival in America and the name of the ship in which he came
    are not known. Several historians assert that he was a resident of Concord as
    early as 1640, and even before this date was in this country trading among the
    Indians. The first written record that refers to him, however, is in 18 May
    1642, when he took the oath of freeman at Concord, Massachusetts.

    The first definite information concerning his trading with the Indians is on
    1 July 1657, when, with three others, he bought from the colony the privilege of
    trading with the Indians, paying therefor the sum of 25 pounds.

    These trading operations he conducted principally along the Merrimac River at apoint which afterward became Nashua, New Hampshire, where, it is recorded, he
    and his son Lieutenant Joseph owned a farm "a little south of the Salmon brood."
    Upon this estate he lived with his son a portion of the time until at least as
    late a date as 19 September 1673, when they both, with 24 others, appear as
    signers of a petition to the General Court for 14,000 acres of land which was
    granted to them. It is evident that in these operations Captain Thomas did not
    give up his official position in Concord, nor his residence there, with its
    thirteen acre "house lot," for upon the formation of a Horse Company he was
    appointed Lieutenant 12 October 1669, and by further appointment became its
    Captain in 1671.

    On 12 January 1669, he received from the town of Concord, a lease for twenty-one
    years, of 200 acres of upland and 60 acres of meadows lying west of Nashoba
    Brook; he to pay a yearly rental of 5 pounds after the expiration of seven
    years, and to build a house and barn. The house was to be 40 feet long, 18 feet
    wide, and 12 feet stud, "covrd with shingles, with a payer of Chimes." That
    there must have been a dispute over this lease is evidenced by what appears in
    the "Copy of Instructions" given to the Concord selectmen in 1672, viz.: "5--To
    treat with Captain Thomas Wheeler about his lease of the Towns Farme and if it
    may be upon Reasonable Termes to alter that particular wherein the Towne is Jn
    Jnoiyned to send such a nomber cattle yearly to be hearded yearly by him."

    He was one of the original proprietors of the Ockoocangansett Plantation -- the
    land purchase from the Indians which became part of Marlborough, Massachusetts.
    His high standing is proved by the important part taken by him in the direction
    of the welfare of the various communities in which he dwelt; on several
    occasions being one of those to take title from the Indians, and to hold in
    trust, lands intended for the establishment of new colonies. His greatest
    historical prominence was reached during King Philips' War in which he took a
    very active part, receiving wounds of so severe a character that he died
    the following year. This exciting encounter he made the subject of the
    following "Narrative," often referred to as an "epic of colonial times."

    A True Narritive of the Lord's Providences in various dispensations towards
    Captain Edward Hutchinson of Boston and myself, and those that went with us
    into the Nipmuck Country, and also to Quaboag, alias Brookfield: The said
    Captain Hutchinson having a Commission from the Honored Council of this Colony
    to treat with several Sachems in those parts, in order to the public peace, and
    myself being also ordered by the said Council, to accompany him with part of my
    troop for security from any danger that might be from the Indians: and to
    assist him in the transaction of matter committed to him.

    "The said Caption Hutchinson, and myself, with about twenty men or more marched
    from Cambridge to Sudbury, 28 July 1675; and from thence into the Nipmuck
    Country, and finding that the Indians had deserted their towns, and we having
    gone until we came within two miles of New Norwich, on 31 July (only we saw two
    Indians having an horse with them, whom we would have spoke with, but they fled
    from us and left the horse, which we took,) we then thought it not expedient to
    march any further that way, but set our march for Brookfield, whither we came
    on Lord's day about noon. From thence the same day, (being 1 August) we
    understanding that the Indians were about ten miles north west from us, we sent
    out four men to acquaint the Indians that we were not come to harm them, but
    our business was only to deliver a Message from our Honored Governor and
    Council to them, and to receive their answer, we desiring to come to a Treaty
    of Peace with them, (though they had for several days fled from us,) they
    having before professed friendship, and promised fidelity to the English. When
    the messengers came to them they made an alarm, and gathered together about an
    hundred and fifty fighting men as near as they could judge. The young men
    amongst them were stout in their speeches, and surly in their carriage. But at
    length some of the chief Sachems promised to meet us on the next morning about 8
    of the clock upon a plain within three miles of Brookfield, with which answer
    the messengers returned to us. Whereupon, though their speeches and carriage
    did much discourage divers of our company, yet we conceived that we had a clear
    call to go to meet them at the place whiter they had promised to come.
    Accordingly we with our men accompanied with three of the principal inhabitants
    of that town marched to the plain appointed; but the treacherous heathen
    intending mischief, (if they could have the opportunity,) came not to the said
    place, and so failed our hopes of speaking with them there. Whereupon the
    Caption Hutchinson and myself, with the rest of our company, considered what
    was best to be done, whether we should go any further towards them or return,
    divers of us apprehending much danger in case we did proceed, because the
    Indians kept not promise there with us. But the three men who belonged to
    Brookfield were so strongly persuaded of their freedom from any ill intentions
    towards us, (as upon other bounds, so especially because the greatest part, of
    those Indians belonged to David, one of their chief Sachems, who was taken to be
    a great friend to the English:) that the said Captain Hutchinson who was
    principally intrusted with the matter of Treaty with them, was thereby
    encouraged to proceed and march forward towards a Swamp where the Indians then
    were. When we came near the said swamp, the way was so very bad that we could
    march only in a single file, there being a very rock hill on the right hand,
    and a thick swamp on the left, in which there were many of those blood-thirsty
    heathen, who there way laid us, waiting an opportunity to cut us off; there
    being also much brush on the side of the said hill, where they lay in ambush to
    surprize us. When we had marched there about sixty or seventy rods the said
    Perfidious Indians sent out their shot upon us as a shower of hail, they being,
    (as was supposed,) about two hundred men or more. We seeing ourselves not
    enter with our horses to go forwards, and there being no safety of our lives.
    In which fight we were in no small danger to be all cut off, there being a very
    miry swamp before us, into which we could not enter with our horses to go
    forwards, and there being no safety in retreating the way we came, because many
    of our company, who lay behind the bushes, and had let us pass by them quietly;
    when others had shot, they came out, and stopt our way back, so that we were
    forced as we could to get up the steep and rocky hill; but the greater our
    danger was, the greater was God's mercy in the preservation of so many of us
    from sudden destruction. Myself being gone up part of the hill without any
    hurt, and perceiving some of my men to be fallen by the enemies' shot, I
    wheeled about upon the Indians, not calling on my men who were left to
    accompany me, which they in all probability would have done had they known of
    my return upon the enemy. They fired violently out of the swamp, and from
    behind the bushes on the hill side wounded me sorely, and shot my horse under
    me, so that he faultering and falling, I was forced to leave him, divers of the
    Indians being then but a few rods distant from me. My son Thomas Wheeler
    flying with the resto of the company, missed me amongst them, and fearing that
    I was either slain or much endagered, returned towards the swamp again, though
    he had then received a dangerous wound in the loins, where he saw me in the
    danger aforesaid. Whereupon he endeavored to rescue me, shewing himself
    therein a loving and dutiful son, he adventuring himself into great peril of
    his life to help me in that distress, there being many of the enemies about me,
    my son set me on his own horse, and so escaped a while on foot himself, until
    he caught an horse whose rider was slain, on which he mounted, and so through
    God's great mercy we both escaped. But in ths attempt for my deliverance he
    received another dangerous wound by their shot in his left arm. There were
    then slain to our great grief eight men, viz. -- Zechariah Phillips of Boston,
    Timothy farlow, of Billericay, Edward Coleborn, of Chelmsford, Samuel Smedly,
    of Concord, Sydrach Hopgood, of Sudbury, Serjeant Eyres, Serjeant Prichard, and
    Corporal Coy, the inhabitants of Brookfield, aforesaid. It being the good
    pleasure of God, that they should all there fall by their hands, of whose good
    intentions they were so confident, and whom they so little mistrusted. There
    were also then five persons wounded, viz: -- Captain Hutchinson, myself, and my
    son Thomas, as aforesaid, Coporal French of Billericay, who having killed an
    Indian, was (as he was taking up his gun), shot, and part of one of his thumbs
    taken off, and also dangerously wounded through the body near the shoulder; the
    fifth was John Waldoe, of Chelmsford, who was not so dangerously wounded as the
    rest. They also then killed five of our horses, and wounded some more which
    soon died after they came to Brookfield. Upon this sudden and unexpected blow
    given us, (wherein we desire to look higher than man the instrument,) we
    returned to the town as fast as the badness of the way, and the weakness of our
    wounded men would permit, we being then ten miles from it. All the while we
    were going, we durst not stay to stanch the bleeding of our wounded men, for
    fear the enemy should have surprized us again, which they attempted to do, and
    had in probability done, but that we perceiving which way they went, wheeled
    off to the other hand, and so by God's good providence towards us, they missed
    us, and we all came readily upon, and safely to the town, though none of us
    knew the way to it, those of the place being slain, as aforesaid, and we
    avoiding any thick woods and riding in open places to prevent danger by them.
    Being got to the town, we speedily betook ourselves to one of the largest and
    strongest houses therin, where we fortified ourselves in the best manner we
    could in such straits of time, and there resolved to keep garrison, though we
    were but few, and meanly fitted to make resistance against so furious enemies.
    The news of the Indians' treacherous dealing with us, and the loss of so many
    of our company thereby, did so amaze the inhabitants of the town, that they
    being informed thereof by us, presently left their houses, divers of them
    carrying very little away with them, they being afraid of the Indians sudden
    coming upon them. and so came to the house we were entered into, very meanly
    provided of cloathing or furnished with provisions.

    I perceiving myself to be disenabled for the discharge of the duties of my
    place by reason of the wound I had received, and apprehending that the enemy
    would soon come to spoil the town and assault us in the house, I appointed
    Simon Davis, of Concord, James Richardson, and John Fiske, of Chelmsford to
    manage affairs for our safety with those few men whom God hath left us, and
    were fit for any service, and the inhabitants of the said town; who did well
    and commendably perform the duties of the trust committed to them with much
    courage and resolution through the assistance of our gracious God, who did not
    leave us in our low and distressed state, but did mercifully appear for us in
    our greatest need, as in the sequel will clearly be manifested. Within two
    hours after our coming to the said house, or less, the said Captain Hutchinson
    and myself posted away Epraim Curtis, of Sudbury, and Henry Young, of Concord,
    to go to the Honored Council at Boston, to give them an account of the Lord's
    dealing with us, and our present condition. When they came to the Honored
    Council at Boston, to give them an account of the Lord's dealing with us, and
    our present condition. When they came to the further end of the town they saw
    the enemy rifling of houses which the inhabitants had forsaken. The post fired
    upon them, and immediately return to us again, they discerning no safety in
    going forward and being desirous to inform us of the enemies' actings, that we
    might the more prepare for a sudden assault by them. Which indeed presently
    followed, for as soon as the said post was come back to us, the barbarous
    heathen pressed upon us in the house with great violence, sending in their shot
    amongst us like hail, through the walls, and shouting as if they would have
    swallowed us up alive; but our good God wrought wonderfully for us, so that
    there was but one man wounded within the hous, viz. -- the said Henry Young,
    who, looking out the garrett window that evening, was mortally wounded by a
    shot, of which he died within two days after. There was the same day another
    man slain, but not in the house: a son of Serjeant Prichard's adventuring out
    of the house wherin we were, to his father's house not far from it, to fetch
    more goods out of it, was caught by these cruel enemies as they were coming
    towards us, who cut off his head, kicking it about like a foot-ball, and then
    putting it upon a poke, they set it up before the door of his father's house in
    our sight.

    The night following the said blow, they did roar against us like so many wild
    bulls, sending their shot amongst us till towards the moon rising, which was
    about three of the clock; at which time they attempted to fire our house by hay
    and other combustible matter which they brought to one corner of the house, and
    set it on fire. Whereupon some our company were necessitated to expose
    themselves to very great danger to put it out. Simon Davis, one of the three
    appointed by myself as Captain, to supply my place by reason of my wounds, as
    aforesaid, he being of a lively spirit, encouraged the soldiers within the
    house to fire upon the Indians; and also thos that adventured out to put out
    the fire, (which began to rage and kindle upon the house side,) with these and
    the like words, that God is with us, and fights for us, and will deliver us out
    of the hands of these heathen; which expressions of his the Indians hearing,
    they shouted and scoffed, saying; now see how your God delivers you, or will
    deliver you, sending in many shots whilst our men were putting out the fire.
    But the Lord of Hosts wrought very graciously for us, in preserving our bodies
    both within and without the house from their shot, and our house from being
    consumed by fire, we had but two men wounded in that attempt of theirs, but we
    apprehended that we killed divers of our enemies. I being desirous to hasten
    intelligence to the Honored Council, of our present great distress, we being so
    remot from any succor, (it being between sixty and seventy miles from us to
    Boston, where the Council useth to sit) and fearing our ammunition would not
    last long to withstand them, if they continued so to assualt us, I spake to
    Ephraim Curtis to adventure forth again on that servicek,and to attempt it on
    foot, as they way wherein there was most hope of getting away undiscovered; he
    readily assented, and accordingly went out, but there were so many Indians
    every where thereabouts, that he could not pass, without apparent hazard of
    life, so he came back again, but towards morning the said Ephraim adventured
    forth the third time, and was fain to dreep on his hands and knees for some
    space of ground, that he might not be discerned by the enemy, who waited to
    prevent our sending if they could have hindered it. But through God's mercy he
    escaped their hands, and got safely to Marlborough, though very much spent and
    ready to faint by reason of want of sleep before he went from us, and his sore
    travel night and day in that hot season till he got thither, from whence he
    went to Boston; yet before the said Ephraim got to Marlborought, there was
    intelligence brought thither of the burning of some house, and killing some
    cattle at Quabaug, by some who were going to Connecticut, but they seeing what
    was done at the end of the town, and hearing several guns shot off further
    within the town, the durst proceed no further, but immediately returned to
    Marlborough, though they then knew not what had befallen Captain Hutchinson and
    myself, and company, nor of our being there, but that timely intelligence they
    gave before Ephraim Curtis hsi coming to Marlborough, occasioned the Honored
    Major Willard's turning his march towards Quabaug, for their relief who were
    in no small danger every hour of being destroyed; the said Major being, when he
    had that intelligence, upon his march another way, as he was ordered by the
    Honored Council, as is afterwards more fully expressed.

    The next day being August 3rd, they continued shooting and shouting, and
    proceeding in their former wickedness, blaspheming the name of the Lord, and
    reproaching us, hs afflicted servants, scoffing at our prayers as they were
    sending in their shot upon all quarters of the house and many of them went to
    the town's meeting house, (which was within twenty rods of the house in which
    we were) who mocked saying, come and pray, and sing psalms, and in contempt
    made an hideous noise somewhat resembling singing. But we, to our power did
    endeavor our defence, sending our shot amongst them, the Lord giving us courage
    to resist them, and preserving us from destruction they sought to bring upon
    us. On the evening following, we saw our enemies carrying several of their
    dead or wounded men on their backs, who proceeded that night to send in their
    shot, as they had done the night before, and also still shouted as if the day
    had been certainly theirs, and they should without fail, have prevailed against
    us, which they might have the more hopes of in regard that we discerned the
    coming of new companies to them to assist and strengthen them, and the
    unlikelihood of any coming to our help. They also used several stratagems to
    fire us, namely, by wild fire in cotton and linen rags with brimstone in them,
    which rags they tyed to the piles of their arrows, sharp for the purpose, and
    shot them to the roof of our house, after they had set them on fire, which
    would have much endagered the burning thereof, had we not used means of cutting
    holes through the roof, and otherwise, to beat the said arrows down, and God
    being pleased to prosper our endeavors therin. They carried more combustible
    matter, as flax and hay, to the sides of the house, and set it on fire, and
    then flocked apace towards the door of the house, either to prevent our going
    forth to quench the fire, as we had done before, or to kill our men in their
    attempt to go forth, or else to break into the house by the door; whereupon we
    were forced to break down the wall of the house against the fire to put it out.
    They also shot a ball of wild fire into the garret of the house, which fell
    amongst a great heap of flax or tow therin, which one of our soldiers, through
    God's good Providence espyed, and having water ready presently quenched it; and
    so we were preserved by the keeper of Israel, both our bodies from their shot,
    which they sent thick against us, and the hous from being consumed to ashes,
    although we were but weak to defend ourselves, we being not above twenty and
    six men with those of that small town, who were able for any service, and our
    enemies, as I judged them about, (if not above,) three hundred, I speak of the
    least, for many there present did guess them to be four or five hundred. It is
    the more to be observed, that so little hurt should be done by the enemies'
    shot, it commonly piercing the walls of the house, and flying amongst the
    people, and there being in the house fifty women and children besides the men
    before mentioned. But abroad in the yard, on Thomas Wilson of that town, being
    sent to fetch water for our help in further need, (that which we had being
    spent in putting out the fire,) was shot by the enemy in the upper jaw and in
    the neck, the anguish of which wound was such at the first that he cried out
    with a great noise, by reason whereof the Indians hearing him rejoiced, and
    triumphed at it; but his wound was healed in a short time, praised be God.

    On Wednesday, August the 4th, the Indians fortified themselves at the meeting
    house, and the barn, belonging to our house, which they fortified both at the
    great doors, and at both ends, with posts, rails, boards, and hay, to save
    themselves from our shot. They also devised other stratagems, to fire out
    house, on the night following, namely, they took a cart, and filled it with
    flax, hay and candle-wood and other combustible matter, and set up planks,
    fastened to the cart, to save themselves from the danger of our shot. Another
    invention they had to make the more sure work in burning the house. They got
    many poles of considerable length and bigness, and spliced them together at the
    ends one of another, and made a carriage of them about fourteen rods long,
    setting the poles in two rows, with peils laid across over them at the front
    end, and dividing them said poles about three foot asunder, and in the said
    front of this their carriage the set a barrel, having made an hole through both
    heads, and put an axel-tree through them, to which they fastened the said
    poles, and under every joint of the poles where they were spliced, they set up
    a pair of truckle wheels to bear up the said carriages, and they loaded the
    front or fore-end thereof with matter fit for firing, as hay, and flax, and
    chips, &c. Two of these instruments they prepared, that they might convey fire
    to the house, with the more sefety to themselves, they standing at such a
    distance from our shot, whilst they wheeled them to the house: great store of
    arrows they had also prepared to shoot fire upon the house that night; which we
    found after they were gone, they having left them there. But the Lord who is a
    present help in times of trouble, and is pleased to make his people's extemity
    his opportunity, did graciously prevent them on effecting what they hoped they
    should have done by the aforesaid devices, partly by sending a shower of rain
    in season, whereby the matter prepared being wet would not so easily take fire
    as it otherwise would have done, and partly by aid coming to our help. For ourdanger would have been pleased to send to us about an hour within night the
    worshipful Major Williard with Captain Parker of Groton, and forty-six men more
    with five Indians to relieve us in the low estate into which we were brought;
    our eyes were unto him the holy one of Israel; in him we desired to place our
    trust, hoping that he would in the time of our great need appear for our
    deliverance, and confound all their plots by which they thought themselves most
    sure to prevail against us; and God who comfortheth the afflicted; as he
    comforted the holy apostle Paul by the coming of Titus to him, so he conforted
    us his distressed servants both soldiers and town inhabitants, by the coming of
    the said Honored Major, and those with him. In whose so soon coming to us the
    good providence in God did marvellously appear; for the help that came to us by
    the Honored Council's order (after the tidings they received by our post sent
    to them) came not to us till Saturday, August 7, in the afternoon, nor sooner
    could it well come in regard to their distance from us, i. e. if we had not had
    help before that time, we see not how we could have held out, the number of the
    Indians so increasing, and they making so many assaults upon us, that our
    ammunition before that time would have been spent, and ourselves disenabled for
    any resistance, we being but few, and always fain to stand upon our defence;
    that we had little time for refreshment of ourselves either by food or sleep;
    the said Honored Major's coming to us so soon was thus occasioned; he had a
    commision from the Honored Council (of which himself was one) to look after
    some Indians to the west-ward of Lancaster and Groton, (where he himself lived)
    and to secure them, and was upon his march toward them on the aforesaid
    Wednesday in the morning, August 4th, when tidings coming to Marlborough by
    those that returned thither as they were going to Connecticut, concerning what
    they saw at Brookfield as aforesaid, some of Marlborough knowing of the said
    Major's march from Lancaster that morning, presently sent a post to acquaint
    him with the information they had received; the Major was gone before the post
    come to Lancaster; but there was one speedily sent after him, who overtook him
    about five or six miles from the said town; he being acquainted, that it was
    feared, that Brookfield (a small town of about fifteen or sixteen families) was
    either destroyed, or in great danger thereof, and conceiving it to require more
    speed to succour them (if they were not past help) than to proceed at present,
    as he before intended, and being also very desirous (if it were possible) to
    afford relief to them, (he being then not above thirty miles from them) he
    immediately altered his course and marched with his company toward us; and came
    to us about an hour after it was dark as aforesaid; though he knew not then,
    either of our being there nor of what had befallen us at the swamp and in the
    house those two days before.

    The merciful providence of God also appeared in preventing the danger that the
    Honored Major and his company might have been in when they came near us, for
    those beastly men, our enimies, skilful to destroy, endeavored to prevent any
    help from coming to our relief, and therefore sent down sentinels, (some nerer
    and some further off) the furtherest about two miles from us, who if they saw
    any coming from the bay they might give notice by an alarm. And there were
    about an hundred of them who for the most part kept at an house some little
    distance from us, by which if any help came from the said bay; they must pass,
    and so they intended (as we conceive) having notice by their sentinels of their
    approach to way-lay them, and if they could, to cut them off before they came
    to the house where we kept.

    But as we probably guess, they were so intent and busy in preparing their
    instruments (as abovesaid) for our destruction by fire, that they were not at
    the house where they used to keep for the purpose aforesaid, and that they
    heard not their sentinels whey they shot; and so the Major's way was clear from
    danger till he came to our house. And that it was their purpose so to have
    fallen upon him, or any other coming to us at that house, is the more probable
    in that (as we have since had intelligence from some of the Indians themselves)
    there were a party of them in another place who let him pass by them without
    the least hurt or opposition, waiting for a blow to be given him at the said
    house, and then they themselves to fall upon them in the rear, as they intended
    to have done with us at the swamp, in case we had fled back as before expressed.
    The Major and company were no sooner come to the house, and understood (though
    at first they knew not they were English who were in the house, but thought
    that they might be Indians, and therefore were ready to have shot at us, till
    we discerning they were English by the Major's speaking, I caused the trumpet
    to be sounded) that the said Captain Hutchinson, myself, and company with the
    town's inhabitants were there, but the Indians also discerned that there were
    some come to our assistance, whereupon they spared not their shot, but poured
    it out on them; but through the Lord's goodmess, though they stood not far
    asunder one from another, they killed not one man, wounded only two of his
    company; and killed the Major's son's horse; after that, we within the house
    perceived the Indians shooting so at them, we hastened the Major and all his
    company into the house as fast as we could and their horses in to a little yard
    before the house, where they wounded five other horses that night; after they
    were come into the house to us, the enemies continued their shooting some
    considerable time, so that we may well say, had not the Lord been on our side
    when these cruel heathens rose up against us, they had then swallowed us up
    quick, when their wrath was kindled against us. But wherein they dealt
    proudly, the Lord was above them.

    When they saw their divers designs unsuccessful, and their hopes therin
    disappointed, they then fired the house and barn (wherin they had before kept
    to lie in wait to surprise any coming to us) that by the light thereof they
    might the better direct their shot at us, but no hurt was done thereby, praised
    be the Lord. And not long after they burnt the meeting house wherein their
    fortifications were, as also the barn, which belonged to our house, and so
    perceiving more strength come to our assistance, they did, as we suppose,
    despair of effecting any more mischief against us. And therefore the greatest
    part of them, towards the breaking of the day, August the fifth, went away and
    left us, and we were quiet from any further molestations by them; and on the
    morning we went forth of the house without danger, and so daily afterwards,
    only one man was wounded two days afterwards taken, confessed that there were
    killed and wounded, about eighty men and more. Blessed by the Lord God of our
    salvation, who kept us from being all a prey to their teeth. But before they
    went away they burnt all the town except the house we kept in, and another taht
    was not then finished. They also mad greate spoil of the cattle belonging to
    the inhabitants; and after our entrance into the house and during the time of
    our confinement there, they either killed or drove away almost all the hourses
    of our company.

    We continued there, both well and wounded, towards a fortnight, and August the
    10th Captain Hutchinson and myself with the men there that had escaped without
    hurt, and also smoe of the wounded, came from them; my son Thomas and some
    other wounded men, came not from them, being not them able to endure travelling
    so far as from thence to the next town, till about a forthnight afterards. We
    came to Marlborough on August the 14th, when Captain Hutchinson being not
    recovered of his wounds before his coming from Brookfield, and overtied with
    his long journey, by reason of his weakness, soon after grew worse, and more
    dangerously ill, and on the 19th day of the same month, died, and was there the
    next day after buried; -- yhr Lord being pleased to deny him a return to his
    own habitation, and his relatives at Boston, though he was come the greatest
    part of his journey thitherward. The inhabitants of the town also, not long
    after, men, women, and children, removed safely with what they had left, to
    several places either where they had lived before their planting or setting
    down there, or where they had relatives to recieve and entertain them. The
    Honored Major Willard stayed at Brookfield some weeks after our coming away,
    there being several companies of soldiers sent up thither and to Hadley, and
    the towns thereabouts, which are about thirty miles from Brookfield, whither
    also the Major went for a time upon the service of the country in the present
    war, and from thence there being need of his presence for the ordering of
    matters concerning his own regiment, and the safety of the towns belonging to
    it, he through God's goodness and mercy returned in safety to his home and dear
    relatives at Groton.

    Thus I have endeavored to set down and declare both what the Lord did against us
    the loss of several person's lives, and the wounding of others, some of which
    wounds were very painful in dressing, and long ere they were healed, besides
    many dangers we were in, and fears we were exercised with; and also what great
    things He was pleased to do for us, in frustrating their many attempts, and
    vouchsafing such a deliverance to us. The Lord avenge the blood that has been
    shed by these heathen wh hate us without a cause though he be most righteous in
    all that hath befallen us there, and all other parts of the country, he help us
    to humble ourselves before him, and withour whole hearts, to return to him, and
    also to improve all his mercies, which we still enjoy, that so his anger may
    cease towards us and he may be pleased either to make our enemies at peach with
    us, or may destroy them before us. I tarried at Marlborough with Captain
    Hutchinson until his death, and came here to Concord, August 21, (though not
    then quite recovered of my wound) and so did others that went with me. But
    since I am reasonable well, though I have not the use of my hand and arm as
    before; my son Thomas, though in great hazard of his life for some time after
    his return to Concord, yet is now very well cured, and his strength well
    restored. Oh, that we could praise the Lord for his great goodness towards us,
    that he was pleased to spare so many of us, and add unto our days; he help us
    whos souls he hath delivered from death and eyes from tears and feet from
    falling, to walk before him in the land of the living till our great change
    come, and to sanctify his name in all his ways about us, that our afflictions
    and our mercies may guide us to live more to his glory all our days."

    In connection with Thomas Wheeler the following letter, while it does not
    contribute much of historical value, possesses much interest:

    "To the honored Governor and Councell of the Massachusetts Colony in New
    England.

    These are to signyfie that Cornellius Consert the Dutchman was Vppon the
    Contryes Servis att Quabauge and the Councel of Warre there was sent out
    Captain of the forlorn And According to my best Advice Continued in the
    Countryes servis six weeks Cornelius being Reddy to depart the Country and
    myselfe being here att boston the Major Willard being Absent I granted this
    ticket.

    Thomas Wheeler Captain
    Boston October ye 13
    1676

    Thomas Wheeler died at Concord, 10 December 1676, the record of his death
    identifying him fully by stating explicitly that he was the "husband of Ruth."

    ----------
    Reference:
    "History of the Wheeler Family in America", 1914, Albert Gallatin Wheeler, Jr.,
    p 1-12.

    Thomas married Ruth Wood 1640, Cranfield, Bedford, England. Ruth (daughter of William Wood) was born Abt 1624, Of Concord, Middlesex County, Massachusetts; died 17 Mar 1641. [Group Sheet]

    Children:
    1. 2. Alice Wheeler  Descendancy chart to this point was born Abt 1640, Concord, Middlesex County, Massachusetts; died 17 Jan 1640.
    2. 3. Thomas Wheeler  Descendancy chart to this point was born Abt 1643, Concord, Middlesex County, Massachusetts; died 9 Jan 1676/1677.
    3. 4. Timothy Wheeler  Descendancy chart to this point was born Abt 1645, Concord, Middlesex County, Massachusetts; died 7 Jun 1678.
    4. 5. Thomas Wheeler  Descendancy chart to this point was born Abt 1646; died 16 Feb 1676/1677.
    5. 6. Nathaniel Wheeler  Descendancy chart to this point was born Abt 1648; died 9 Feb 1676/1677.
    6. 7. Ruth Wheeler  Descendancy chart to this point was born Abt 1652, Concord, Middlesex County, Massachusetts.
    7. 8. Nathaniel Wheeler  Descendancy chart to this point was born Abt 1655, Concord, Middlesex County, Massachusetts; died 16 Jan 1676/1677.
    8. 9. Joseph Wheeler  Descendancy chart to this point was born 13 Mar 1656/1657, Concord, Middlesex County, Massachusetts; died 29 May 1698, Stratford, Fairfield, Massachusetts.
    9. 10. Ephraim Wheeler  Descendancy chart to this point was born Abt 1660, Concord, Middlesex County, Massachusetts; died 19 Feb 1689/1690.
    10. 11. Deliverance Wheeler  Descendancy chart to this point was born 1663, Concord, Middlesex County, Massachusetts; died 4 Feb 1716.
    11. 12. Ephraim Wheeler  Descendancy chart to this point was born 19 Feb 1689.


Generation: 2

  1. 2.  Alice Wheeler Descendancy chart to this point (1.Thomas1) was born Abt 1640, Concord, Middlesex County, Massachusetts; died 17 Jan 1640.

    Other Events:

    • AFN: 1LTQ-F4


  2. 3.  Thomas Wheeler Descendancy chart to this point (1.Thomas1) was born Abt 1643, Concord, Middlesex County, Massachusetts; died 9 Jan 1676/1677.

    Other Events:

    • AFN: 1LTQ-G9


  3. 4.  Timothy Wheeler Descendancy chart to this point (1.Thomas1) was born Abt 1645, Concord, Middlesex County, Massachusetts; died 7 Jun 1678.

    Other Events:

    • AFN: 1LTQ-HG


  4. 5.  Thomas Wheeler Descendancy chart to this point (1.Thomas1) was born Abt 1646; died 16 Feb 1676/1677.

    Other Events:

    • AFN: GC93-0K


  5. 6.  Nathaniel Wheeler Descendancy chart to this point (1.Thomas1) was born Abt 1648; died 9 Feb 1676/1677.

    Other Events:

    • AFN: GC93-1Q


  6. 7.  Ruth Wheeler Descendancy chart to this point (1.Thomas1) was born Abt 1652, Concord, Middlesex County, Massachusetts.

    Other Events:

    • AFN: 1LTQ-JM


  7. 8.  Nathaniel Wheeler Descendancy chart to this point (1.Thomas1) was born Abt 1655, Concord, Middlesex County, Massachusetts; died 16 Jan 1676/1677.

    Other Events:

    • AFN: 1LTQ-KS


  8. 9.  Joseph Wheeler Descendancy chart to this point (1.Thomas1) was born 13 Mar 1656/1657, Concord, Middlesex County, Massachusetts; died 29 May 1698, Stratford, Fairfield, Massachusetts.

    Other Events:

    • AFN: 1LTP-T2


  9. 10.  Ephraim Wheeler Descendancy chart to this point (1.Thomas1) was born Abt 1660, Concord, Middlesex County, Massachusetts; died 19 Feb 1689/1690.

    Other Events:

    • AFN: 1LTQ-L0


  10. 11.  Deliverance Wheeler Descendancy chart to this point (1.Thomas1) was born 1663, Concord, Middlesex County, Massachusetts; died 4 Feb 1716.

    Other Events:

    • AFN: 1LTQ-M5


  11. 12.  Ephraim Wheeler Descendancy chart to this point (1.Thomas1) was born 19 Feb 1689.

    Other Events:

    • AFN: GC93-33